Insight Myanmar

Episode #294: This is the second installment of Grahame White’s discussion with Insight Myanmar. He picks up the thread being back in Australia, running group sittings that grew in popularity. Joseph Goldstein was invited to conduct the country's inaugural ten-day course, setting off an explosion of interest. This soon resulted in the building of the Blue Mountains Insight Meditation Centre, complete with a Burmese style pagoda and relics brought over by Sayadaw U Lakkhana.Over time, Grahame found himself in the middle of a tug-of-war at the center between emphasizing the more traditional forms of practice, and presenting a stripped-down emphasis of technique. Although Grahame favored the former in some manner, the center’s board chose the latter.While there were few possibilities for practice in the West when he started out on this path, Grahame is not averse to the plethora of meditation styles and teachers available today in Australia, and around the world. He realizes that similar to the young hippies who unexpectedly assumed the mantle of imparting the profound teachings of the Dhamma to a Western audience, the present generation is trying to formulate and disseminate the practice within their own distinct context and society, including a message that is more inclusive of previously marginalized communities, and its relevance in a rapidly changing world.In closing, Grahame, returns to the current horror that has overtaken Myanmar, the land which has given him so much. “There's been certain emotions going on in my mind, like shock and horror, and real sadness that the Dharma is no longer there in the sense that it was for many, many years,” he says, adding, “As these situations arise, they've been living with it for a thousand years, and up to the present day, and this one will pass as well...”

Episode #293: Journalist Thomas van Linge shares his insights into the dire situation in Karenni state, contrasting the devastation caused by the military junta versus the resilience of the Karenni people. From the beginning of the coup in February 2021, Thomas closely followed the bravery of Burmese protesters who transformed civil resistance into an armed struggle. His work mapping the conflict revealed that the junta's control is weaker than originally thought, with military forces largely confined to isolated, hilltop bases.The resistance, despite being outgunned, has shown remarkable unity and determination. Lacking a central leadership, they operate in a uniquely cooperative way, effectively countering the junta's efforts. Thomas notes how the Karennis’ community-driven spirit allows them to weather internal conflicts and maintain unity, even without a dominant leader.Thomas also highlights the failures of the international community, criticizing ineffective humanitarian aid and the refusal of neighboring Thailand to provide adequate sanctuary to refugees. Yet he points out that while the lack of international intervention is legitimate grounds for criticism, it does have an upside, as it enables the resistance to maintain a grassroots character, free from external manipulation."Despite all these hardships, all these difficulties, I've never sensed any despair or dip in morale among the people... They're all keeping their spirits up," he says. "Where we visited, most of the villages have been abandoned because they are within the artillery range of the regime. But the regime itself is now isolated in the hilltop camps and could be eliminated from those bases in different perceivable future! So when those areas are completely cleared, then the people could leave the IDP camps and come back to their villages to start rebuilding."

Episode #292: Anrike Visser is Senior Policy Advisor at The Sentry, an investigative and policy organization. She focuses on economic statecraft, and joins us to discuss the challenges and complexities of sanctions in conflict zones like Myanmar.Anrike brings a wealth of insight into the mechanics and challenges of using economic measures to weaken Myanmar’s military junta. Drawing on years of expertise in financial regulation and international policy, she explores how targeted restrictions aim to disrupt the junta’s revenue streams while avoiding harm to ordinary citizens. Anrike also unpacks the junta’s reliance on financial hubs like Singapore and Thailand and its sophisticated evasion tactics, including proxy companies, fake certifications, and illegal trade routes.Anrike highlights how global enforcement gaps allow these measures to fall short, emphasizing the need for better coordination among Western powers and regional actors. Through examples like Myanmar’s timber and oil industries, she explains how some sectors remain critical revenue sources for the junta, while others, such as the garment industry, may require a lighter touch to avoid undue harm to civilians. The role of civil society organizations and investigative journalism is central to her analysis, showcasing how their on-the-ground expertise uncovers vital details about the junta’s networks and operational methods.Anrike also stresses the importance of closing enforcement loopholes, accelerating response times to evidence of evasion, and harmonizing sanctions across jurisdictions. By combining these efforts with broader diplomatic strategies, she illustrates how economic measures can effectively constrain oppressive regimes.In closing, Anrike calls for the international community to step up and support these local organizations who are now doing so much, and while in harm’s way. She says: “I just want to acknowledge that they are the ones that should receive a lot more support from the international community, financial, training, capacity, just to keep doing this work under these difficult circumstances.”

Episode #291: Charles Petrie, a former United Nations official with extensive experience in conflict zones, reflects on his time working with the UN and his recent journey to conflict-ridden areas in Myanmar.Petrie criticizes the UN's limitations and failures, especially regarding its handling of crises in Myanmar, Rwanda, Sri Lanka, and other places. He argues that the UN often oversimplifies conflicts, failing to address their root causes, while powerful member states prioritize national interests over humanitarian principles. This bureaucratic approach has led to systemic failures, particularly in protecting vulnerable populations.Discussing Myanmar, Petrie highlights the courage and resilience of Myanmar’s Generation Z activists, who have built self-sustaining governance structures in the face of brutal repression by the military regime, the SAC. He notes that many Western policymakers indulge in “fairy tale” thinking, overlooking the complex realities of Myanmar’s situation while simultaneously withholding meaningful support. In his view, Myanmar’s emerging grassroots governance—largely led by young, educated activists—proves the people’s capacity for self-determination. Petrie’s journey into Karenni State allowed him to witness both the hardships imposed by the SAC’s violent tactics and the unbreakable resolve of Myanmar’s revolutionary forces.Petrie critiques the West’s inaction and the UN's failure to stand firmly for its foundational values. While he views the UN as a flawed, symbolic institution, he believes it must still be preserved. He sees the UN as a beacon of hope for future generations advocating for justice and a better world. Ultimately, Petrie’s reflections emphasize the need for honest, courageous global engagement to genuinely support Myanmar’s fight for freedom.

Episode #290: Nyo Mar's story is one of resilience, perseverance, and a relentless fight against discrimination in Myanmar. Born into a Muslim minority family in a remote area of Myanmar, her early life was shaped by the harsh realities of being a part of a marginalized community. Her father, a government health supervisor, faced derogatory slurs and institutional discrimination, which deeply angered Nyo Mar. This experience, along with witnessing her father's humiliation, ignited a strong desire to understand the roots of discrimination against her people.As she navigated through her schooling and later university, Nyo Mar faced significant barriers, such as discrimination in the citizenship process and being denied opportunities simply because of her Muslim background. Her experience as a university student in Yangon was marred by further prejudice, including a professor publicly humiliating her. These instances of exclusion were compounded by violent religious conflicts in her hometown, where Buddhist extremists targeted Muslim communities, burning homes and killing people.Despite these challenges, Nyo Mar persisted in her education and professional aspirations, facing both institutional and societal rejection. Even as she entered the field of public health and social activism, including leading HIV/AIDS awareness programs, she encountered barriers such as military surveillance and harassment. This persistent discrimination, both personal and professional, prompted Nyo Mar to seek change, and she went on to found the Feminist Minority Women's Institute, focusing on empowering minority women to participate in political decision-making.Through her ongoing studies and advocacy, including her work on gender and sexuality in Myanmar’s political framework, Nyo Mar continues to fight for a more inclusive future. “We have to understand each other and accept each other and respect each other. Human dignity is the most important thing.” Her story is not just her own; it is the story of many in Myanmar—of those who dream of a future where they are seen, heard, and accepted as equals.

Episode #289: Patrick Burgess is an Australian barrister, international human rights lawyer, and singer-songwriter who has spent his life working at the intersection of law, conflict, and advocacy. His career has taken him to conflict zones such as Rwanda, East Timor, Yemen, Cambodia, as well as Burma.Patrick’s career took shape upon seeing scenes of the horrors of the Rwanda genocide on TV, which inspired him to join humanitarian mission there. Working in emergency relief, he helped children and communities devastated by violence, realizing that his calling lay in humanitarian work. Then in East Timor, Patrick played a critical role in organizing the independence referendum and establishing the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, further solidifying his dedication to transitional justice.Patrick's involvement in Burma began as he witnessed the brutal repression under the military junta. He collaborated closely with local organizations, documenting widespread human rights abuses and empowering community-led initiatives to resist the junta's control. His commitment deepened significantly after the military coup in 2021, as he worked tirelessly to support grassroots resistance efforts, assist political prisoners, and amplify the voices of those struggling for freedom.Building on his extensive experience, Patrick co-founded Asia Justice and Rights (AJAR) alongside his wife, Galuh Wandita. AJAR empowers local human rights defenders and ensures that survivors of violence take central roles in the decision-making process, focusing particularly on transitional justice throughout Southeast Asia.“In this context of Burma right now, one of the amazing things is that there are millions of heroes, and they're sustaining each other, and I just hope we can sustain that, that sense of community inspiration as time goes forward as well."

Episode #288: Anagarika Munindra was born in 1915 in a village that later became part of Bangladesh. Raised in an ancient Buddhist clan, he grew up in a loving family and showed a profound interest in the Dharma from an early age. He left his village for Calcutta in 1936 and later joined the Mahabodhi Society. Munindra eventually moved to Burma in 1957, where he studied with Mahasi Sayadaw and immersed himself deeply in meditation and Pali studies. He valued experiential knowledge, which made him a well-rounded and influential teacher.Mirka Knaster, the author of "Living This Life Fully,” a biography of Munindra, shares about the life of this great spiritual teacher. She describes how Munindra’s approach to teaching was unique—more as a "spiritual friend" than a traditional guru. He prioritized the needs of his students, extending loving kindness (metta) in practical ways, ensuring that they were cared for both physically and emotionally. His openness to different meditation techniques and his inclusive, adaptable nature made him an inspiring figure for many Western students.Upon returning to India, Munindra began to influence Westerners arriving during the counterculture movement. This significantly impacted the growth of Western interest in Buddhism. His students, such as Joseph Goldstein, Jack Kornfield and Sharon Salzberg, would later become major figures in the spread of mindfulness in the West, helping to establish centers like the Insight Meditation Society. He also became close with S.N. Goenka and would accept an invitation to spend several years at Dhamma Giri, in addition to his time teaching at International Meditation Society (IMC) and Spirit Rock.As Mirka highlights, Munindra’s influence was both personal and profound, offering an alternative model of spiritual practice that combined kindness, curiosity, and openness. His contributions were crucial to the development of mindfulness and meditation practices in the West. She comments in closing: “I couldn't imagine he would be anything but delighted to see how much the Dharma has spread!”

Episode #287: “I actually find the process of rock climbing quite similar to activism, because during rock climbing, you always fall! You always get disappointed about why couldn't I just get to the top and get to the peak?! But every time we fall, we just keep going. Like what we do in activism.”Johnson Yeung, a prominent pro-democracy activist from Hong Kong, has been at the forefront of regional and global activism, particularly through his involvement in the Milk Tea Alliance. His activism began during his student years, when he played a significant role in the Umbrella Movement. This popular protest in 2014 advocated for democratic reforms, resisting the increasing Chinese authoritarian influence over Hong Kong.Following the government crackdowns, Johnson continued his activism, working with labor rights organizations, and eventually his focus expanded beyond Hong Kong as he realized the interconnectedness of struggles across Asia. In 2020, Johnson became a key figure in the Milk Tea Alliance, a digital solidarity network linking pro-democracy movements across Taiwan, Hong Kong, Thailand, Myanmar, and other countries facing authoritarian challenges.Johnson firmly believes that activism must transcend borders, especially as authoritarian regimes collaborate to suppress dissent. He highlights how repression in Hong Kong parallels the military coup in Myanmar, leading him to advocate for increased solidarity between movements“Those stories have tied us together, have continued to inspire us that we are on the right side, and we have entitlement to what we are fighting for,” he continues. “And that's what the authority is afraid of! That's what every single dictator in the region is afraid of—that people will be able to see through the smoke and mirrors and be able to take power in their own hands.”

Episode #286: “Some people during the so-called transition, people in Yangon, were like, 'The military is changing!' Like, no, they're not; they're changing the way they talk to you, to elites, but they're not changing on the ground. And if you spent as much time speaking to survivors of military violence, you'll notice that they torture and kill basically for sport. There's no logic behind it, other than, ‘We can get away with this.’”David Mathieson, a longtime advocate, activist, and scholar focused on human rights in Myanmar, addresses the military's entrenched behavior and the country's complex socio-political landscape. He discusses the regime’s arrogance, sense of entitlement, and institutional cruelty, which he describes as a “culture of recreational sadism.” He emphasizes that while the generals attempted to appear reformist to elites in previous years, its actions on the ground have always remained brutal and unchanged. Mathieson delves into Myanmar’s cycles of oppression, resistance, and the military’s failure to innovate in governance or counterinsurgency. He cites the 2017 Rohingya crisis as an example of brutal tactics leading to increased international condemnation and isolation. He also critiques oversimplified international narratives, urging the importance of local perspectives and understanding the complexities of both the military and ethnic armed groups like the Karen National Union and Arakan Army. Mathieson highlights the failure of peace processes such as the 2015 Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement, attributing it to the military's refusal to engage meaningfully with ethnic minorities, and with the added the complicity of international supporters who endorsed the agreement, thereby legitimizing a flawed peace process.Ultimately, Mathieson paints Myanmar as a country trapped under an irrational military enforcing fear while insisting on its own necessity. He concludes with a stark view of the military's strategy: a deliberate use of overwhelming violence to enforce submission, reflecting a “deplorable, disgusting” policy that has persisted for decades.

Episode #285: “We can't live under the mercy of Rakhine or the Burmese. Would you give your personal guarantee that the atrocities that have been committed over the decades, and centuries, for that matter, will not happen again?”As a Rohingya, Sujauddin Karimuddin has, from a young age, witnessed the systemic and growing discrimination, violence, and displacement inflicted upon his community.As violence escalated, he fled Myanmar, becoming part of the growing Rohingya diaspora. Then came the terrible anti-Rohingya violence of 2012 and 2017, which culminated in entire villages being burned, families torn apart, many deaths and mass displacement.Sujauddin’s journey as a refugee brought him into contact with international human rights organizations, and he quickly emerged as a vocal advocate for the Rohingya cause. He dedicated himself to raising global awareness about the genocide and the conditions faced by the Rohingya in both Myanmar and refugee camps.Through his advocacy, Sujauddin highlighted the importance of documenting the atrocities, ensuring that the voices of the Rohingya were heard on the world stage. He has worked tirelessly to connect with policymakers, activists, and humanitarian organizations, pushing for justice, recognition, and the eventual repatriation of his people with full rights and dignity. Skeptical of NUG’s overtures, to Sujauddin believes that the Rohingya’s safety can only be guaranteed through a fully independent state.“This is the right moment to side with the Rohingya people, because these people have been left neglected for centuries. It's well overdue time for them to have a place where they can they can live safely and call home. And that is of course Rakhine, where they are relocated from!”

Episode #284: Aye Chan Naing is a pioneering journalist and activist dedicated to independent media in Myanmar. He co-founded the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) in the years following the military's violent crackdown during the 1988 student-led uprising. He was drawn to activism after witnessing the brutality of the regime. After fleeing to the Thai-Burma border, he joined the All Burma Students' Democratic Front but soon found his passion in journalism, inspired by figures like Swedish journalist, Bertil Lintner.In 1992, he launched DVB as a shortwave broadcaster based in Norway with support from the government there. He aimed to provide a voice for the pro-democracy movement and challenge the military’s grip on information. DVB became a vital link for the Burmese people, offering an independent perspective at a time when the government tightly controlled the media. The organization expanded from radio to multimedia, amplifying voices that were otherwise silenced.In 2012, DVB returned to Myanmar following political reforms, but Aye Chan Naing faced obstacles under Aung San Suu Kyi's administration, which limited media access and failed to foster an open environment. The situation worsened after the 2021 military coup, forcing DVB back into exile. Despite severe challenges, DVB continues to operate using underground reporters inside Myanmar.“When you have a microphone, you can say whatever you want, right? But if we're doing exactly the same as the Burmese military, we are no different," he says. "The more we studied, the more we learned about journalism. And it has to be about the people.”

Episode #283: Friedgard Lottermoser, who passed away in August 2024 at 82, lived an extraordinary life. Her story, comparable to Heinrich Harrer’s in “Seven Years in Tibet,” has never been fully told—until now. Born in Nazi Germany, she grew up in the difficult post-war, reconstruction years. In 1959, when she was 17, her stepfather moved the family to Rangoon, Burma, for his new job.Friedegard knew nothing about meditation, though she was interested in spirituality, and she attended her first meditation course with Sayagyi U Ba Khin almost by happenstance. Following ten days of practice, U Ba Khin encouraged her to stay longer for additional instruction, leading to a brief but profound meditative experience that shaped her journey—she reached the “third stage” of Vipassana, bhanga, where she felt sensations pass rapidly through her body, her first embodied understanding of impermanence.Friedgard explains how U Ba Khin guided meditators to experience the unconditioned state. She explains how U Ba Khin advised Goenka to not to teach this practice, as the environment in India wasn’t suitable for this deeper practice, and Goenka's role was to teach larger numbers of students at beginning levels, while U Ba Khin’s was to take a small number of students to more advanced stages. Friedgard highlights other differences between the two approaches, such as Goenka's requirement of "full surrender" from his students—something she would never have accepted at IMC.Friedgard admits that U Ba Khin’s initial hope in teaching her was to encourage her stepfather, a close friend of his, to join a meditation course. When it became clear this would not happen, U Ba Khin's interest waned, and he even suggested Friedgard quit meditation, believing her family environment and military surroundings weren’t conducive to progress: her response to leave home and move into Thiri Hall at the University of Rangoon! She was still living there in 1962 when General Ne Win staged a military coup, which drastically altered life in Burma. Although almost all foreigners—including her family—had to leave the country, Friedgard was able to stay in Burma thanks to a government scholarship to study Pali. Through twists of fate, Friedgard managed to do what almost no other foreigner at that time could: to remain in the increasingly closed country for nine more years, deeply immersed in meditation, education, and Burmese life.

Episode #282: Brian Hioe has been a life-long activist. He participated in Occupy Wall Street, Japan’s anti-nuclear protests, and the Sunflower Movement, which protested Taiwan’s growing economic ties with China. His experience during these movements culminated in founding New Bloom Magazine, which aimed to provide a bilingual platform focused on Taiwan’s social and political issues from the perspective of Taiwan’s youth.Brian discusses the historic and geopolitical ties between Taiwan and Myanmar, dating back to the Chinese Civil War, when many Kuomintang (KMT) fighters retreated to northern Burma before some eventually relocated to Taiwan. He grew up in the vibrant “Little Burma” neighborhood in Taiwan, which became a focal point for Myanmar-related activism following the coup.Brian elaborates on his involvement with the Milk Tea Alliance (MTA), highlighting its evolution from online activism involving Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Thailand to a broader, transnational movement. Myanmar’s inclusion reflects its shared struggle against authoritarianism, although its conditions—being in a state of prolonged conflict with limited internet access—make it a unique member.He emphasizes that the decentralized nature of the MTA is a strategic adaptation to authoritarian states that target centralized leaders. Brian concludes by underlining the importance of maintaining solidarity networks despite challenges like reduced online traction, advocating for sustained efforts to amplify Myanmar voices amid ongoing repression.“Myanmar joining the Milk Tea Alliance reflects the permeability of this framework, that basically, when there's a struggle, you can also be part of the Milk Tea Alliance. It's not exclusionary, but it is the one in which there was not just peaceful protests or student movements in forms of civil disobedience, but one that's spilled over into a civil war, and I think that is the difference. So the protest tactics that work in the other places, for example, will not work in Myanmar, because it is more oppressive.”

Episode #281: Born into conflict, Lartar grew up as the daughter of a Karen National Union (KNU) commander in the remote jungles of Myanmar. From the tender age of three, her life was almost a never-ending flight from the Burmese military's grasp. At seven, she was sent to a school in KNU-held territory, taught by part-time soldier-teachers who rotated between the classroom and the front lines. The harsh conditions eventually forced her return home, only to again face military raids that shattered any semblance of safety.Constantly on the move, Lartar's family abandoned their crops and belongings, fleeing from village to village. At 14, she attempted to find refuge in Thailand but was pushed back by authorities, leading to separation from her family and months of hiding in the jungle. But to Lartar, the jungle was a sanctuary, not a wilderness. Armed with just a knife, she thrived, hunting, foraging, and crafting necessities from the land. The spirits of the jungle, honored through ancestral traditions, provided her with emotional solace and a sense of protection. She survived alone until an almost miraculous reunion with her family in a refugee camp. Determined to break free from the cycle of displacement, she relentlessly pursued an education, even defying her mother's wishes; at 16, she ran away to complete an English program, and secured an internship with the Karen History and Culture Preservation Society. Fluent in five languages, she became an invaluable asset.Facing the challenge of lacking official documentation, Lartar bravely returned to Myanmar to obtain an ID. Disguising herself as an uneducated farmer to avoid military suspicion, she eventually secured it with the help of an old teacher.Her life journey had exposed her to the systemic oppression her people faced, fueling a deep-seated anger towards the regime, which turned toxic. Recognizing her imbalance, she sought peace within herself, retreating once more to the jungle for reflection. Emerging with a renewed vision, Lartar now advocates for unity and federalism in Myanmar. “History is history. We don't need to follow this history. And we create a better history in our life for young people.”

Episode #280: Matthew Schojan started abusing drugs at the tender age of 11, in response to some very challenging family dysfunction. One could then scarcely expect that he would later develop into a serious meditation and yoga practitioner one day. In an interview recorded before the pandemic and the military coup, Matthew goes into detail about his spiritual journey, and how it ultimately led him to Myanmar.He eventually got his life on track when he was 20, and made the commitment to become sober while living in New York. It was a terrifying experience, as he was beset by anxiety and other emotions that the intoxicants had long suppressed. He eventually took up yoga, later finding refuge at the local Zen center in Brooklyn. Then September 11th happened, which recreated the anxiety and fear, and amid all the destruction, he was initially unable to reach out to friends or family for support. Matthew gave in and had a cigarette, his first in three years.That cigarette evolved into a relapse of hard partying and drug use, which he soon found troubling and empty. This time, however, he found more stable salvation in the form of Dharma Punx, led by Noah Levine, and its more mindful community; it was there that he eventually met the woman who would become his wife.From there, he decided to take a full spiritual plunge. Matthew studied under Ajahn Tong Sirimangalo, Sayadaw U Tejaniya, Jack Kornfield, Martine Batchelor, and S.N. Goenka among others, studying Zen, Theravada, Mahayana, and Vajrayana. “There was definitely a lot to learn,” he says. “Each time you go down one path, other things open up, and you start to learn more…” To Matthew, the key point is that different teachings have clear, practical applications.Matthew’s journey to the Golden Land took shape over many years. He and his wife eventually arrived there after eight years living and working in Thailand.  When they finally moved to Myanmar, Matthew was surprised at the many differences between the two countries and their Buddhist culture and practice, in spite of their geographic proximity.Matthew closes by discussing the connection between mental health and meditation.Ironically, Matthew’s comments are even more relevant today than in 2020 when the talk was recorded. At that time, Matthew noted the challenges for mental health sector in wider Myanmar, referencing government data that 95% of people needing treatment couldn’t find any support. Yet now, so many Burmese are facing traumatic circumstances with the fallout from the military coup that mental health issues are being discussed openly in Myanmar more than ever before.

Episode #279: “Having internet or having information is life and death in those areas If you have internet you can at least know if the airplanes are coming, if the battles are becoming intensive in the areas that you live. But without that you don't know anything! You cannot run away from air strike, you cannot run away if the airplane is over your head; there’s very little chance that you survive.” Bradley delves deeply into the complexities of internet usage and surveillance in Myanmar. He begins by sharing a historical overview, noting the internet’s relatively recent arrival in Myanmar compared to other countries. He discusses the exorbitant costs of SIM cards before the 2012 telecom revolution when mobile internet became widely available, transforming life in the country. This sudden access to the digital world, as Bradley explains, shook Burmese society, creating both opportunities and risks.The conversation explores the regime's efforts to control and restrict internet access, especially after the 2021 coup, highlighting the frequent use of internet shutdowns as a tool of oppression. As Bradley notes, these shutdowns represent the cyber evolution of the military’s notorious “four-cuts” strategy, where cutting off communication to and from “the enemy” is standard practice. However, the military's definition of “enemy” extends far beyond armed resistance groups to include civilians who are sympathetic to the opposition or hostile to dictatorial rule. The Rakhine State internet shutdown, which became one of the longest in the world, is cited as an example of the junta's strategy to suppress ethnic communities and protests. Bradley points out how these shutdowns, combined with surveillance, create severe isolation for affected communities, exacerbating social, economic, and educational divides.Bradley also touches on the resilience of the Burmese people, particularly youth activists, who have leveraged technology for resistance. Despite the challenges, these young people—digital natives—have used platforms like Signal for secure communication and coordination. Creative campaigns, such as PDF games and donation initiatives, illustrate how the resistance adapts in innovative ways. However, the regime's growing sophistication in digital repression, with support from foreign powers like Russia, continues to pose significant threats. This ongoing battle between oppression and resistance defines Myanmar's current digital landscape, a struggle that will influence the country’s future.

Episode #278: The 4th International Conference on Burma/Myanmar Studies (ICBMS) took place in August 2024, hosted by Chiang Mai University's RCSD. The event gathered scholars, activists, and experts to discuss Myanmar's political, social, and economic challenges, including conflicts, peace processes, human rights, and the 2021 coup's effects. With an estimated 800 attendees, it was one of the largest events of its kind on record.Insight Myanmar Podcast was granted exclusive access to record brief interviews with a variety of guests. These short clips cover many diverse topics, in contrast to our usual longform interviews with a single guest. This is part two of our four-part series, and features the following:Saijai, originally from Thailand, is a leading figure in documenting human rights abuses through open-source technology. She co-founded Myanmar Witness after the 2021 coup, focusing on monitoring online harassment, particularly against women activists and journalists, and providing technical, mental health, and documentation support to combat gendered online bullying.“Arabella," who uses a pseudonym for safety reasons, is an expert in digital security. She stresses the critical need for this in Myanmar, warning against the dangers posed by the military's advanced surveillance capabilities. She advocates for secure VPNs and cloud storage to protect sensitive information, while expressing deep admiration for the resilience and strength of the Burmese people.Ada, a medical doctor, shifted her focus to mental health support after the coup. She emphasizes the emotional toll of the conflict on Burmese society, particularly noting how men often struggle to express their emotions compared to women, and believes that personal emotional awareness is key to healing and supporting others.Joe Anderson, a 24-year-old from London, became deeply involved in Myanmar activism after the 2021 coup. He draws on his studies at Southeast Asian Studies (SOAS) and his work with diaspora groups, emphasizing an awareness of his positionality and privilege as a foreigner in the activism space.

Episode #277: Sean Turnell, an author, economic advisor, and former political prisoner, graced a podcast for the third time to share his insights on Myanmar's deteriorating financial situation. The military's relentless pursuit of hard currency has resulted in rampant resource exploitation, serving either the generals' personal wealth or the purchase of more arms (along with lining their cronies’ pockets) despite international sanctions aiming to curb their financial avenues.Turnell describes the junta's economic policy as practically non-existent, with no strategy for education, health, or foreign investment. A soaring inflation rate, a significant increase in military spending, and a decrease in health and education spending exacerbate the crisis for the Burmese people. In addition, the regime's unusual encouragement of private sector debt default shakes the very foundations of the country’s capitalist system. Turnell notes that the junta's focus seems to be on the daily scramble for foreign exchange, a shortsighted approach with no vision for the future.As for the NUG and other resistance groups, innovative financial strategies have been employed, from international war bonds to virtual banking. However, the challenge remains in navigating the funds safely without falling prey to the military or violating anti-money laundering laws. The use of cryptocurrency has emerged as a notable, albeit experimental, solution to these challenges.Despite the current turmoil, Turnell holds a hopeful view that a democratically elected government could restore the economy to its pre-coup state within a year. He praises the expertise of young Burmese policymakers around the globe, whose knowledge and skills are pivotal to Myanmar's economic recovery. Turnell's confidence in Myanmar's potential rebound hinges on the belief that these competent individuals will lead the way once the military's grip is finally loosened.

The stakes for Myanmar are very high in the upcoming US election. Given the two candidates’ different perspectives on international involvement, the transition to a new US administration will directly affect the way the country helps shape global responses to authoritarianism and human rights abuses. This is particularly true in Myanmar. The panel discussion focuses on how U.S. leadership might engage with Myanmar’s struggle for freedom and democracy in the post-election period.Panelists include:Scot Marciel, a seasoned U.S. diplomat, was the U.S. ambassador to Myanmar from 2016 to 2020. He now works with Stanford University and Asia-based initiatives, focusing on regional diplomacy and policy.Michael Haack has spent years advocating for stronger U.S. policy towards Myanmar, which includes leading the effort to pass the Burma Act, and secure funding for aid.Yun Sen is the Director of the China program at the Stimson Center, and an expert on China-Myanmar relations. She has closely monitored the geopolitical dynamics between China and Myanmar since 2008, focusing on border security and China's influence in Myanmar. Jack Myint is a non-resident fellow at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS). He has worked extensively on economic affairs, navigating the complexities of Myanmar's business landscape and international engagement, especially post-coup.First, the panel delves into the likelihood of the military orchestrating a sham election, with guests suggesting that a Harris administration would likely approach it with skepticism. In contrast, they believe that a Trump administration could take a more unpredictable stance, adding that he also has a history of shaping policy through transactional deals.They also explored Russia's growing influence in Myanmar, noting that while Russia's involvement is opportunistic, U.S. policy remains more focused on countering China's influence; a Harris administration would be likely to continue supporting Myanmar’s democratic movements, whereas a Trump administration may deprioritize the issue. Finally, the panelists discussed the potential consequences of the Myanmar military being decisively defeated by resistance forces. They feel this could open the door for the U.S. to take a leading role in coordinating humanitarian relief and supporting democratic governance. However, concerns were raised about internal conflicts among ethnic groups, which could complicate the post-military landscape and make U.S. engagement more challenging, depending on how power is distributed and the stability of the new leadership.

Episode #275: Nyein Chan May's story is one of unyielding resilience and fierce commitment to justice in the face of overwhelming adversity. Born and raised in Myanmar, she grew up in a society steeped in patriarchal norms and military oppression. But Nyein Chan May refused to be confined by these outdated ideologies. She left Myanmar just before the coup to study political science and intersectional feminism in Germany, driven by a vision to dismantle the structures that sought to silence her and countless others.In the revolution that erupted after the military coup, Nyein Chan May recognized that the fight was not just against the junta but also against a deep-seated, patriarchal society, and sexist beliefs even within the resistance. She spoke out, unwavering, about the dual revolution that women in Myanmar must wage—against both the military dictatorship and the patriarchy that has oppressed them for centuries.As the Longyi Revolution unfolded, Nyein Chan May saw more than a protest against oppression; she saw a movement that could redefine what it meant to be a woman in Myanmar. She knew that true revolution would require dismantling not only the junta but also the deep-seated misogyny embedded in her society. Speaking truth to power, she connected with women on the frontlines, who were not just fighting for their country’s freedom but for their right to be seen, heard, and valued.“Women's rights and the rights of marginalized groups are not to be considered separately from the revolution!” she says. “If we understand the broader definition of the word, ‘revolution,’ it is not only about fighting against the military junta; it is about building a new society, about defending ourselves against these discriminatory ideologies. If you define yourself as an actor in the revolution, then stop thinking separately about women's rights and the rights of marginalized groups from the whole context of the revolution.”